One thing can be said about George Will: He’s consistent. His effort to balance his contempt for President Smallhands and for the Republican Party that abets his atrocities with his distaste for the left, indeed for anyone not of his ideological stripe, turns him into a logical and factual contortionist. In this editorial carried by The Richmond Times-Dispatch, he makes broad, broad strokes with his false-equivalency brush as he strives to demonize antifascism, progressivism, and popular protests. The opportunity to take another run at Mr. Will was to be relished. I did. The Richmond Times-Dispatch took another pass.
George Will, “So Much to Protest, So Little Time,” The Richmond Times-Dispatch, 9 August 2018, A9 (https://richmond.com/opinion/columnists/george-will-column-poor-portland-progressives-so-much-to-protest-so-little-time/article_7142b880-f77c-5118-b2db-f5d7a38c9df4.html).
George Will’s message is muddled. Unraveling his larger point is difficult: Comparing Oregon’s dismal history of race relations with actions of progressive activists in Portland? Insinuating that all counter demonstrators are “antifa”? Equating early twentieth-century Klansmen with activists publicly opposing white nationalists and other extremists? None of this withstands scrutiny.
Progressivism vexes Will but it seems oppressive only to those who feel their privilege threatened. Personal experience in rallies, marches, and counter-protests tells me that participants, with few exceptions, are concerned citizens who abhor violence and are merely exercising their First Amendment rights. Conflating all antifascism with “antifa” is interesting rhetorical legerdemain but anyone sensible likely harbors antifascist sentiment. Furthermore, President Trump’s flirtation with authoritarian tropes legitimizes progressives’ concerns about the country’s direction.
What amazes is Will’s failure to mention the two men murdered on a Portland train in May 2017 when defending two teenage women of color from a racist tirade by an alleged white supremacist. Will’s reference to the Faulknerian epigram on the past’s omnipresence is on point but perhaps not as he intends. Trump has emboldened white nationalists, white supremacists, neo-Nazis, and neo-Confederates, movements meriting relegation to the past yet moldering in the present’s dark recesses. Does Will believe that this should pass without rebuttal by citizens of good will?
Will’s distaste for Trump has made him a man without a country politically. He has abjured the Republican Party, but his affinity with the right seems intact, his compulsion to demonize the left is unshaken, and his safe port appears to be the framing of questionable equivalences. Will is fond of apothegms. Perhaps he should ponder the words of conservative icon Edmund Burke: “When bad men combine, the good must associate; else they will fall, one by one, an unpitied sacrifice in a contemptible struggle.”
This letter was written in particular circumstances. The first anniversary of the “American Carnage” inaugural address approached. The GOP’s surrender to the “America first” onslaught and to President Small Hands’ faux populism was apparent, transactionalism stripped to its purest essence. For the Republicans, demolition of the constitutional edifice and open, nearly gleeful corruption and self-dealing were acceptable so long as the Federalist Society’s judicial nominees were jammed onto the courts and the affluent could stuff more money into their pockets through ill-conceived tax cuts. Grover Norquist’s infamous quip – that all the GOP required in a president is “enough working digits to handle a pen” – had proven too prophetic to amuse.
Personal context too is relevant. She Who Must Be Revered and I spent an extended Christmas holiday in California. My father-in-law’s death was a year past and my mother-in-law needed to be moved into an assisted-living apartment and to have her former residence emptied of belongings. It was decided – by whom I’m not certain – that The Better Half and I needed a vacation after this. Cancellation of a professional engagement had left The Beloved One with an unused hotel reservation in Earl’s Court, so a week in London was planned. Subsequent events told us that we might have contemplated before our departure the potential for the sunk cost fallacy being in play. The vagaries of travel soon intervened. Just as we cleared airport security in San Francisco, My Happiness began to feel unwell. We departed anyway, but she was ailing throughout our time in the United Kingdom.
We, whatever the circumstance, were in London. A good deal of time was passed in our postage-stamp sized room but, whenever The Better Half rallied, we ventured out and took in the sights. I maintained a longstanding custom: a copy of The Guardian on weekdays and The Observer on Sundays. On the eve of New Year’s Eve, The Guardian ran an opinion by Jonathan Freedland, a favorite of mine among British commentators. Mr. Freedland has worked in the American Empire as a reporter and he offers a view of the United States from an outsider, a well-informed and mostly sympathetic one. He doesn’t engage in kneejerk anti-Americanism. This undergirds his credibility when he takes America to task. Nearly two decades earlier I had read his delightful polemic, Bring Home the Revolution (1998), in which he argued that the American Revolution snatched away an Enlightenment political movement that belonged by right to the British. In short, Jonathan Freedland “gets” us. His understanding of the American project surpasses that of many citizens, a shameful reality. He realizes that for all its messiness, contradictions, and hypocrisies, much in the American constitutional system remains admirable and worthy of emulation.
Mr. Freedland was disillusioned as 2017 waned. President Big Mac had pressure tested the Constitution and exposed its inherent shortcomings. The opinion emphasized the system’s reliance on honoring of political and constitutional norms. There too is a tacit assumption that American political leaders will conduct themselves with moral integrity and devotion to constitutional principles, not moral turpitude and civic ignorance. The Bridge and Tunnel President’s yearlong tenure had been a practicum in the capacity of an unscrupulous actor to subvert American governance.
Mr. Freedland’s credibility made the editorial a painful read. The Guardian’s guidelines for submissions resemble The Richmond Times-Dispatch’s, so, availing myself of a hotel notepad, I drafted a letter and sent it. Its thrust was that the game was not over; cards remained to be played. The constitutional system had undergone assaults more existential than that posed by a former host of a reality show. There were also glimmers of hope: The Special Counsel’s investigation proceeded, resistance continued, the elections in Virginia signaled a repudiation of The Donald, and the ballot box remained a potent weapon in the arsenal.
The letter appeared online on New Year’s Day 2018 and in print the day after, a speedy turnaround. My Better Half was unwell, so I hiked to a Marks and Spencer Simply Food on Kensington High Street to feed us and found the paper there. It’s satisfying to call He Who Must Be Ridiculed a fascist in print. The photo attached to the letter’s online version is a classic.
The verdict on the letter after passage of time is mixed. Much of Mr. Freedland’s diagnosis of America’s political ills is valid; more will be said about that later. Nonetheless, the ballot box was a bulwark against the worst abuses. There was legitimate fear of authoritarianism had President Yeti Pubes been reelected and this threat remains plausible so long as the GOP continues its canoodling with Trumpism.
Jonathan Freedland, “The Year of Trump Has Laid Bare the US Constitution’s Serious Flaws,” The Guardian, 30 December 2017, 31 (www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2017/dec/30/trump-us-constitution-weakness-founding-fathers).
“Trump’s ‘Clown Fascism” and the US Constitution,” The Guardian, 2 January 2018, 29 (www.theguardian.com/law/2018/jan/01/trumps-clown-fascism-and-the-us-constitution).
Jonathan Freedland mentioned the musical Hamilton, which he’d seen upon its London opening, as an example of American creative verve. One would be hard pressed to disagree. Because of The Most Excellent Spouse, I saw the original cast in the Manhattan in October 2015, then a touring production in Richmond, then the streaming version last summer. It was inevitable that it would reach London’s West End. I wondered, when I first saw it, how a British audience would respond because of the wicked comic portrayal of George III and because Alexander Hamilton was perhaps the most obscure of the principal founders for non-Americans.
I needn’t have been concerned. Jonathan Freedland’s was the prevailing critical and popular assessment. One afternoon, while in a queue at the Marks and Spencer Simply Food on Earl’s Court Road, I overheard the locals extolling the show’s virtues. Excitement for it was genuine and unqualified. It was the performance to see. To have a ticket was to be envied. Its graceful Atlantic crossing is a tribute to Lin Manuel Miranda.
A final fact about Jonathan Freedland. During a subsequent journey to the United Kingdom (September 2018), I was browsing in a bookstore on Tottenham Court Road and my eyes alit on a paperback entitled To Kill the President. Its cover image was a stars-and-stripes festooned pistol. It seemed like something for the moment, so I examined a copy. The author was Sam Bourne, a nom de plume of Jonathan Freedland, who in his other life cranks out thrillers. The novel has an alternative title – The Plot Against the President – and cover – the White House instead of a firearm – doubtless a concession to American sensibilities. I am curious to know the chronology of the book’s genesis and completion. The president under threat is a barely disguised version of The Mendacious One. The book reached print in June 2017, barely five months after the inauguration. Was Mr. Freedland inspired by The Perambulating Eructation’s candidacy but considered his election an implausibility and devised the plot as a flight of fancy? Or did he think that Mr. Crude Imposition might pull it off and consider his storyline quasi-plausible? Or was the novel mostly written speedily after the 8 November debacle? The paperback traveled to the US in checked luggage. It’s an airport novel no American should read in an airport.
The weeks following the election were dark. Once the sharpest pangs of despair subsided, attention shifted to what was to come. Would the new administration realize Democrats’ worst fears or was there some sliver of hope? The long transition gave a space for forging new narratives. Fabulists gave it the college try. A popular canard held that ascent to the Oval Office would ennoble The New Occupant, that the Resolute Desk would be a philosopher’s stone to transmute the toxic narcissist into a lion of public service. There would be an epiphany. Andrew Johnson would become Abraham Lincoln. Right. Other falderal making the rounds contended that the GOP’s Solons would erect guardrails to keep President Bigly between the ditches. The absurdity of such expectations soon became evident. A paraphrase of a comment attributed, perhaps apocryphally, to the Medici Pope Leo X better characterizes the comportment of the about-to-be chief executive: “Now that we have the presidency, let us enjoy it.”
Election-induced paralysis gave way to hunger for activity, something to fill the void, an antidote to gloom. There was a Renaissance in interest in civics, the high school course that – essential though it is – has been excised from many secondary-school curricula. The November 2016 election was a debacle not just at the presidential level. The Democrats gained seats in Congress but didn’t establish a majority in either chamber. Down the ballot, the 2016 election underscored a damaging legacy of the Obama era: From 2009 to 2016, Democrats surrendered control of fourteen statehouses, thirteen governorships, and 816 state legislative seats, a hemorrhaging of legislative power unseen since the Eisenhower years. The Undramatic One far better safeguarded his own electoral fortunes than he rendered aid in the states. (Quorum, “Under Obama, Democrats Suffer Largest Loss of Power Since Eisenhower” [www.quorum.us/data-driven-insights/under-obama-democrats-suffer-largest-loss-in-power-since-eisenhower/, accessed 26 April 2021]; National Association of State Legislatures, “State Vote 2016: Analysis on the Election from the State Perspective,” 14 November 2016 [https://www.ncsl.org/Portals/1/Statevote/StateVote_Combined%20Presentation.pdf]). The civics conundrum was how an opposition party wielding no national lever of power and floundering in the states could restrain a potentially rogue president and a ruling party betraying signs of political and constitutional sociopathy. Did anything remain in the toolbox, constitutional, extraconstitutional, sub-constitutional, super-constitutional, supra-constitutional, whatever?
For a time, activism became a lifestyle. The urge grew to make a loud public noise, to exercise atrophied First Amendment muscles. The Women’s March following The New Guy’s inauguration most fully expressed this impulse. The geyser of atrocities erupting in Washington made the question not whether but what to protest. Action lists – things-to-do for the activated – proliferated. More than once that I sat in a coffee shop and overheard groups, frequently women, hammering out strategy and weighing the efficacy of tactics. The nascent Trump regime galvanized opposition.
The bit below is another email to a friend suffering post-election angst. It was written a month and half after the election and well into President-Elect Trash Fire’s shambolic transition. Those days were dark both politically and personally. The Better Half and I were in California to visit my in-laws. My father-in-law died just before Christmas. His passing was peaceful and perhaps even merciful. The election had disturbed and enraged him. Part of his ire during the intervening weeks had been directed at the electorate. He muttered darkly and took pleasure from a resurrected H. L. Mencken saw: “People deserve the government they get and they deserve to get it good and hard.” A day after my father-in-law encountered the great mystery, President-Elect Covfefe reportedly quipped, “Let it be an arms race because we will outmatch them at every pass and outlast them all.” This nonchalance about rekindling a nuclear arms contest was a slap at my father-in-law’s career as a scientist in government service and a public intellectual. He didn’t need to hear that and what came afterward.
Later that dismal week, The Better Half and I had lunch with a friend, an executive at a Silicon Valley tech firm. We reminisced about the departed, but the conversation soon shifted to The Incoming Guy. This conformed to an enduring conversational pattern: The most casual, inconsequential chat always came around to His Biliousness. Our friend was agitated, as were we all. A follow-up email from him arrived the next day. Because of a poorly preserved, now defunct, email account, my response survives but not our friend’s initial correspondence. The gist of the exchange was how best to defang the new regime. Some topics broached by our interlocutor have faded into oblivion because my replies are unspecific. The rest of it illustrates the groping for ways to act, not to accept supinely what was to come, to think unconventionally – maybe even larcenously – and to resist on many fronts. It also conveys top-of-mind concerns in the moment. Could a recess appointment reverse the shabby treatment of Merrick Garland? Could Mr. Obama employ pardons strategically before his departure, perhaps to protect those vulnerable under the new dispensation? How might government records be preserved? How could the anticipated assault on Medicare, Medicaid, the Affordable Care Act, and the rest of the social safety net be blunted? What would be Mr. Obama’s role in his post-presidency? Beyond addressing these issues, I gave my standard advice regarding how to thwart a wannabe authoritarian: Join the ACLU.
Here’s the bit:
Dear —–,
I too am a longstanding fan of both Robert Reich and Michael Moore. Regarding the list of suggested actions, I still think that no. 1 is problematic. The Republicans have effectively scotched Obama’s use of recess appointments for the lower federal courts by never allowing Congress to go into recess technically. I would be surprised if they’re not doing that now since they are determined to retain control of the appointment. If they’re not doing this or if their tactic applies only to the lower courts and not the supremes, it might be worth a shot but would at best likely only delay the inevitable. In any case, I would love to be corrected regarding any misconceptions I might have about this. The mistreatment of Merrick Garland has been one of the most deflating bits of this sad, sad, possibly needlessly sad year.
Obama could certainly do no. 2. Pardons for groups rather than individuals have been issued in the past. The president, however, has no power to pardon anyone for a crime not yet committed, so the efficacy of the former might be undercut by the latter. No one can be issued a permanent get-out-of-jail-free card.
Obama seems to be on the verge of doing something along the lines of no. 3, if this morning’s news is any indication. Good for him.
The agencies seem to be doing no. 4 already and it’s possible that Obama has quietly already made a move in this direction. Let’s hope.
Nos. 5 and 6 are great ideas and you’ve already mentioned the principal caveat in both.
No. 7 is also a good idea. The Republican response to this might be that they have not yet comprehensively outlined their plans for Medicare and Medicaid. Regarding the ACA, they undoubtedly will argue that it will be replaced with something far superior. The recent jumps in rates and the flight of some of the insurers unfortunately give them some cover on this. I personally think they will slow walk the changes in the ACA. They’ll vote to repeal but give the measure a long sunset to contain some of the political blowback. Another problem will be that Trump via Twitter will directly muddy the water for many of those most affected. The sad reality is that many of those bound to suffer most exist in a void of information and the Donald will likely for some time insulate himself from the consequences of his actions by employing Obama as scapegoat in chief.
In reference to no. 8, as we discussed yesterday, I think Obama should strive to be the best ex-president he can be and to anoint himself Trump’s personal and perpetual and constant gadfly if for no other reason than to preserve solidarity and maybe even a bit of optimism among right-thinking people. There have been modest signs over the past few days that he intends to do something like this. He’s popular at the moment and he shouldn’t waste that.
Beyond this, everyone should continue to fight the good fight in any way they can. After the debacle in 2004, I joined the ACLU. Their work in preserving transparency in government and individual freedom of expression and in defending people from aggressive action by the authorities will become even more important once Trump assumes office. If you have any friends who are attorneys and might be willing to offer a bit of pro bono, they could do worse than volunteer. Since you likely have an iPhone, the ACLU website offers an application that allows you to film and upload to the organization directly any incident in which you think someone’s rights are being violated. This application may be what finally compels me to surrender my Blackberry. Sigh.
It was fantastic to see you yesterday. Please stay in touch, especially during these troubling times.
Yours warmly, David